Showing posts with label U.S. Civil War. Show all posts
Showing posts with label U.S. Civil War. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 21, 2016

Copperhead: Harold Frederic (1893 novel) and 2013 Film (Ron Maxwell, director)

Earlier this year Amateur Reader posted on Harold Frederic's The Damnation of Theron Ware, which reminded me of my reading of that novel as well as Frederic's novella The Copperhead. At that time, the movie adaptation was available on Amazon Prime for only a few dollars, so I splurged and watched it. A few notes about both of them, although I'll provide the caveat that it has been a while since I've read Frederic's novella.

Frederic's short stories about the U.S. Civil War have usually been published together, often including The Copperhead. Copperheads, for those unfamiliar with the term, were northern U.S. opponents to the Civil War. In the case of Frederic's novella, the central character of Abner Beech is adamantly opposed to the Civil War, causing friction with the other residents of Four Corners in upstate New York. Jimmy, an orphan the Beeches have welcomed into their household, narrates how the abolitionist movement took hold in the area:

There was a certain dreamlike tricksiness of transformation in it all. At first there was only one Abolitionist, old “Jee” Hagadorn. Then, somehow, there came to be a number of them—and then, all at once, lo! everybody was an Abolitionist—that is to say, everybody but Abner Beech. The more general and enthusiastic the conversion of the others became, the more resolutely and doggedly he dug his heels into the ground, and braced his broad shoulders, and pulled in the opposite direction. The skies darkened, the wind rose, the storm of angry popular feeling burst swooping over the country-side, but Beech only stiffened his back and never budged an inch. (from Chapter 1)

Frederic, a native of Utica, makes upstate New York as much a character in many of his stories as the men and women populating them. On his writing of the U.S. Civil War, Frederic takes a very guarded position. There is no righteousness of the cause, there is no romanticism of war. Frederic focuses on the men, women, and children left at home during the fighting. In the novella, Frederic makes it difficult to like Abner Beech. Beech is against the war, mainly because he doesn't think it worth spilling blood. He's as racist as they come and doesn't have a problem with slavery. Or at least he doesn't think it an institution worth fighting over. If the southern states want to seceded, Abner says let them leave.

Edmund Wilson wrote an introduction to a reissue of The Civil War Stories of Harold Frederic and had this to say about these stories:

His [Frederic's] stories of New York during the Civil War reflect the peculiar mixture of patriotism and disaffection which was characteristic of that region and for which [good friend Horatio] Seymour was so forthright a spokesman. Due to this, these stories differ fundamentally from any other Civil War fiction I know, and they have thus a unique historical as well as a literary importance. The hero of the longest of them—really a short novel—is not merely a critic of Republican policies but a real out-and-out Copperhead, an upstate farmer whose ideas are rooted in the principles of the American Revolution and who believes the South has the right to secede.

I recommend The Civil War Stories of Harold Frederic even though they don't represent his best writing and are uneven. The best of them, The Copperhead included, focus on "the mixed feelings aroused by the war but also in their realistic footage focusing on the civilians at home." (Wilson, again, in the introduction)

Abner was too intent upon his theme to notice. “Yes, peace!” he repeated, in the deep vibrating tones of his class-meeting manner. “Why, just think what's been a-goin' on! Great armies raised, hundreds of thousands of honest men taken from their work an' set to murderin' each other, whole deestricks of country torn up by the roots, homes desolated, the land filled with widows an' orphans, an' every house a house of mournin'.” (from Chapter 8)

I thoroughly enjoyed the 2013 movie Copperhead directed by Ron Maxwell and adapted by Bill Kaufman. Minor changes made to the characters, Abner Beech in particular, improve the story. Abner, played perfectly by Billy Campbell, focuses more on his belief that the Constitution should guide the states' and citizens' actions, and he's less than thrilled by the steps President Lincoln has taken. A major change to his character is that the movie Abner is very much anti-slavery, but he puts his dedication to the law over his hatred of slavery. There are other changes as well, and for the most part well done. If it's possible, there's an even stronger focus on the home front, as you see boys heading off to war and coming home, if they come home alive that is, irreparably changed.

The strength of the movie is its focus on the issue of community during wartime and the many divisive factors (political, religious, legal, familial, economic) that can tear it apart. If I had any complaints about the movie, it would be that the ending was even more heavy handed than Frederic's. In such moments, though, it's easy to see what Frederic was striving for. Men like Jee Hagadorn (played perfectly with scene-chewing aplomb by Angus Macfadyen) may be on the right side of this moral question, but at what cost in other areas? Fortunately the movie and the novella don't pretend to make either Jee or Abner representative of the pro-war or anti-war North, instead using them to highlight important moral questions about this tumultuous period. Highly recommended.


Billy Campbell as Abner Beech in Copperhead

Tuesday, May 10, 2016

Interview with Meg Groeling, author of The Aftermath of Battle

The Aftermath of Battle: The Burial of the Civil War Dead by Meg Groeling
Emerging Civil War Series
Savas Beatie; Fall 2015
192 pp.; 211 images
ISBN: 978-1-61121-189-4

I first became aware of this book when our local bookstore was touting an upcoming talk by its author, Meg Groeling. I wasn't able to make that talk, but the topic interested me since I too would think, "What did they do with all the bodies?" when visiting a U.S. Civil War site. While reading the book I found many more questions being raised, something the Suggested Readings section helps address. When I found out Groeling lived close by, I figured why not ask her some of these questions? So what follows is the culmination of our e-mail chain. (I've cleaned up a few of my typos.)

Since some of my questions go beyond the scope of the book, I recommend you read this article on Groeling and the book by Liam McGurl and this interview with Groeling by the book's publisher first since they focus more on the book itself. My post on the book lists some of the topics included in the book.

Dwight: You mention several of the directives and orders released after the war started, such as Federal General Order Number 33 (page 15) on how to construct a burial trench. I'm curious as to what was in place at the start of the war.

Meg: Practically nothing was in place--mortuary science was not exactly a "thing" at that time, and it was mainly left to the winning army (determined by who had final control of the battleground) to deal with the dead & injured. Usually the dead were gathered up and buried in relatively shallow graves, with wooden markers. Dead Mexican soldiers in the Mexican War were not identified, but were interred. There was no "official" way to move a corpse, which was usually in the process of decomposing. Lead-lined caskets were used, but sometimes railroads refused to move smelly cargoes. There weren't even toe-tags, or ways to identify wounded as they were moved from hospital to hospital. It was barbaric, or so it seems to us now.

Dwight: With so many officers on both sides having attended military academies (West Point or VMI, for example), is it possible to know what they had studied regarding logistics in general and specifically handling the dead during their studies? (I don't know if it's possible to know what the West Point curriculum looked like in the 1840s and 1850s, but I thought I'd ask.)

Meg: I wondered myself--one thing that shows up again and again in the Civil War is the incredible inability of officers to write coherent orders. I am thinking "Writing Orders 101" was not a class at West Point! Mostly they studied math and engineering. Some French was offered, and Jomini was taught, with attention to Napoleonic tactics and things like interior & exterior lines, frontal assaults, flanking attacks, etc. Battles from the past were studied, but logistics was NOT given the emphasis we now know it needs. Experience in the field was supposed to supplement a lack of curriculum depth. One problem with this was that America had fought no large-scale engagements since the Mexican War, and there was no military retirement plan. Officers at the top just stayed until death, basically. This meant that very few positions of command opened up for younger officers, so guys like Lee and McDowell ended up staying captains forever, and many had never commanded large numbers of men by 1861. No one even talked about handling the dead. Frontier forts just buried soldiers in fort cemeteries, and then wrote letters back home.

Dwight: Burying the dead, as you mentioned in the book and your online interview, usually fell to the victor since they held the ground. But it seemed to fall to the locals if the ground wasn't really "held" in the usual sense, such as in Grant's Overland Campaign (constant engagement with Lee) or Stonewall Jackson's Valley Campaigns (constant motion and harassment). From what you've described, though, they don’t seem to have really been able to handle the clean-up, especially near the end of the war, do they?

Meg: In a word, no. Technology had to catch up with reality very quickly. There wasn't even reliable embalming, much less reliable transportation for dead or injured. Many times the home folks came to the battlefield looking for loved ones and privately arranged for the returns. People scoured hospitals looking for loved ones as well. This really ticked [Dr. Jonathan] Letterman off. The soldiers got better treatment at a hospital than at home, and he knew many would not survive being moved any distance at all.

Dwight: The book covers a lot of wide-ranging topics, some of which I see are covered in books in the Suggested Reading section. I particularly liked the chapter on the horses and mules and the one on Dr. Jonathan Letterman. Was there a particular topic or subject you wanted to include in the book but weren't able to cover?

Meg: Oh yes!! I really wanted to do a chapter on haunted battlefields! Gettysburg is said to be one of the most haunted places in America. I know I could have handled the topic with some degree of taste (because ghosts care about that sort of thing, you know!) but I was voted down by my editors, big time. I guess the stories will have to wait--but it would have been fun!

Dwight: The detail you provide on many of the historic sites (National Parks and Cemeteries) seem to be from first-hand visits. Were you able to visit many of the sites you mention? And how hard is it to write about events that happened in Virginia (for example) when you live in California?

Meg: One of the truths about being any kind of historian is that you have to just have to suck it up and go where the history is. I have visited many historic sites and plan to continue to do so, although I am not a particularly good traveler. The Civil War Trust has excellent information about their sites, and it is hard to beat the National Park Service for the individual e-sites dedicated to battlefields and other historic places. I think the quality of the information improves as folks get used to manipulating the technology to five visitors a virtual experience. It makes it easier all around, for trip planning and for seeing what is there second-hand.

Dwight: I had wondered about the role of race when it came to the cemeteries, and Matt Atkinson provided a glimpse at this in his Appendix on the National Cemetery in Vicksburg. Was the racial segregation pretty standard for many of the cemeteries? I'm glad to see blacks at least included in Vicksburg's cemetery. For Confederate cemeteries, were slaves or freed blacks that died in battle on the South's side likewise included (like at Hollywood)? Or is Vicksburg pretty much an anomaly?

Meg: When the Union Army lost large numbers of men, like at Olustee, the Crater, or Ft. Wagner, the Confederates were anything but respectful of African-American corpses. Few were returned, and many were mutilated beyond belief. There were few black bodies to bury, or to rebury, for that matter. The Union bodies at Fort Wagner are famous for having been tossed into a shallow pit, white officers, black soldiers--no matter what--just all buried together. When the bodies were reinterred, some had been lost because of the ocean tides. But those left remained together, just as in life, so in death.

Dwight: I wondered if you'd like to say a few words about the Emerging Civil War Series? It seems like a great way to provide new details and research on the war by people with eclectic backgrounds but with an interest in the subject.

Meg: The Emerging Civil War series was originally created as a series of price point books that could be sold at the National Park sites, with an emphasis on a certain book being sold at a matching site. It turned out that the books were written very well, and as nicely illustrated as possible in black & white, and actually more than anyone thought they would be. The original price has been raised a little, the page count is now longer, and the subject matter is wider. Aftermath is one of the newer books, with more pages. Its topic is general, and includes several Civil War sites, making it suitable for sale at more than one venue. I know, however, that the idea to do a book on the topic, "What did they do with all the bodies?" has been part of the ECW idea from the beginning. I was asked to write it, and proud to do so.

My final question had to do with the book Meg is currently working on, which is about Elmer Ellsworth, considered the Civil War's first casualty. Since much of her reply seemed to be "off the record," I won't post her answer. I will update this post as more becomes available about its publication.

Many thanks to Meg for taking time to patiently answer my questions! Now...go check out her book...

Monday, May 09, 2016

The Aftermath of Battle: The Burial of the Civil War Dead by Meg Groeling (Emerging Civil War Series)


The Aftermath of Battle: The Burial of the Civil War Dead by Meg Groeling
Emerging Civil War Series
Savas Beatie; Fall 2015
192 pp.; 211 images
ISBN: 978-1-61121-189-4

“After the battle, what did they do with all the bodies?”
— common question from U.S. Civil War battlefield visitors

I recently stumbled across the Emerging Civil War Series, which provides "fresh perspective on America's defining event." To date, the series contains overviews and details on some of the battles as well as issues surrounding the war. One such issue has to do with what to do with all the casualties of a battle. When visiting a Civil War park, the opening question repeatedly gets asked once the magnitude of the carnage sinks in. Meg Groeling address this question and many more related to it in The Aftermath of Battle: The Burial of the Civil War Dead.

The protocol of the time was the winner of a battle would take care of burying the dead since they held the ground. This meant their own fallen were usually taken of first and best, while the other side got whatever resources were left over. However, many situations proved difficult for even this simple procedure. The elements could make burials problematic. Oftentimes, both sides were immediately on the move after a battle, leaving little time to take care of the dead. In this case, locals were usually left with the challenge of burials. And too often the sheer numbers of dead men and animals was simply overwhelming.

Groeling's narrative begins with addressing what was done with the dead, but the book covers many more topics, such as:

  • The origin of the bugle call "Taps" during the war.
  • The invention of photojournalism, effectively starting with Matthew Brady's exhibition "The Dead of Antietam," showcasing stunning photography by Alexander Gardner.
  • How the dead animals, particularly horses and mules, were handled. Their numbers are no less staggering than the human toll.
  • The pioneering work in battlefield medicine by Dr. Jonathan Letterman. His plans (and the work of many) revolutionized what happened to those wounded in battle.
  • The reforms started by Dr. William A. Hammond, the surgeon general of the U.S. Army.
  • Improvements in embalming and coffin technology, for families that wanted to (and could afford to) have a fallen soldier buried at home.
  • The development of national cemeteries, usually involving much effort to identify and reinter bodies.
  • Not all bodies fell on land. Many seaman lost their lives, and Groeling goes into detail about the discovery of the Confederate submarine Hunley.
  • Special attention is given to the difficulties in and around The Wilderness battle sites, where fires and inaccessibility of terrain made burials impossible.
  • How Dorence Atwater, with Clara Barton's help, was able to document deaths at the infamous Andersonville Prison.
  • Competing numbers and methodologies for calculating the Civil War battle deaths.

If that seems like a lot squeezed into the book, it is. Groeling goes into great detail in some areas, but others are necessarily higher level summaries. Fortunately there is an excellent "Suggested Readings" section at the end that covers any area raised in the book for a curious reader. As the back jacket notes, The Aftermath of Battle is an "easy-to-read overview that will complement any Civil War library...." The book also provides plenty of information about many Civil War parks, battlefields, and cemeteries as well as museums and other related sites that would be of interest.

For a morbid topic, Groeling's writing handles the subject matter with grace and taste. The suffering during and after the battles are presented, but it's the portraits of compassion by people wanting to help those in agony or wanting to honor those who fell that resonated the most with me. More information on the Emerging Civil War Series can be found here. The publisher, Savas Beatie, has done a good job with the books I've looked at in the series. There were a few typos in Aftermath (most notably mislabeling casualties as deaths in one place), but overall the layout, the content, and the flow of information was well done. I'm not a fan of the font used for chapter headings (the same as on the book cover), but that's a minor quibble. Highly recommended.

In a separate post, I'll have an interview with Meg Groeling.
Update: the interview is in this post.

Wednesday, January 14, 2015

Rebel Yell: The Violence, Passion, and Redemption of Stonewall Jackson by S. C. Gwynne

Rebel Yell: The Violence, Passion, and Redemption of Stonewall Jackson by S. C. Gwynne
ISBN: 978-1451673289
(Scribner, 2014, hardcover)

It is a matter of record that, a mere fourteen months earlier [than June 1862], the man everyone from Charlottesville to Washington was so breathlessly concerned about had been an obscure, eccentric, and unpopular college professor in a small town in rural Virginia. He had odd habits, a strangely silent manner, a host of health problems, and was thought by almost everyone who knew him to be lacking in even the most basic skills of leadership. To call him a failure is probably too harsh. He just wasn’t very good at anything; he was part of that great undifferentiated mass of second-rate humanity who weren’t going anywhere in life. And yet on that bright June [1862] day in Charlottesville the oddball science teacher had just completed a military campaign in Virginia’s Shenandoah Valley that made him the most famous military figure in the Western world. In a matter of months he had undergone a transformation of such speed and magnitude that it stood out in a war that made a specialty of such changes. … In a war where the techniques of marching and fighting were being reinvented almost literally hour by hour, Jackson’s intelligence, speed, aggression, and pure arrogance were the wonders of North and South alike. They were the talk of salons in London and Paris. (6-7)

It's rare when a book sneaks up on me and take me by surprise (in a good way), but this one did. S. C. Gwynne is upfront about this book being a selective biography of Thomas Jonathan “Stonewall” Jackson. Admitting it is not a “full-scale, A-to-Z biography,” Gwynne chooses facts, stories, and analysis that best illuminates his subject instead of providing a comprehensive report. Gwynne focuses mostly on the two years of Jackson's operations in the U.S. Civil War, but he also flashes back to early events in Jackson's life in order to provide perspective and context. Rebel Yell reads like a tale told by a master story-teller…I can almost hear a southern drawl while I'm reading it.

So who was Stonewall Jackson? To say he was a host of contradictions would be an understatement. When the war started he was recognized as an incompetent science teacher at the Virginia Military Institute. Six years before the Civil War started the school’s alumni tried to have him fired. He was orphaned at age seven, raised by family members, and received a cursory childhood education. Through sheer luck and granite resolve, he was accepted into West Point at the bottom of his class. He was socially awkward, his attempts at public speaking usually painful to watch. He had a host of physical ailments that added to his awkwardness. He was deeply religious. He had trouble with authority, especially if it was critical of him. He rarely shared his thoughts or plans with anyone. Gwynne describes him as a “comfortable mediocrity.” When the Civil War started he was all but ignored by the Confederacy government. These popular descriptions of Jackson only tells part of his story, though.

Concealed behind this carefully constructed social front was a layered, highly complex, passionate, deeply sensitive man who loved deeply and grieved deeply. He had a poetic heart, and a nineteenth-century romantic’s embrace of beauty of nature. He loved Shakespeare and European architecture. He was self-taught and completely fluent in Spanish; he was a devoted and talented gardener; and he read widely in world history and military history and reveled in travel. He had an ecstatic, almost mystical sense of God. He loved walking in the country around Lexington, gloried in sunsets and mountain views and in the blooming Shenandoah spring. He was a man who could laugh uproariously, and roll around on the floor in play with a child, speaking Spanish baby talk, a man who kept close track of news and gossip inside his large, extended family. He was a doting, affectionate, and passionate husband who, behind closed doors, had an expansive and often joyous personality. (135)

Jackson served in the Mexican-American War, receiving praise from his commanding general. Like others who had experienced war he hoped to avoid secession and the conflict he knew would follow. The unconcern voiced by others when talking of wars pained him greatly. As Gwynne puts it, Jackson understood war “at some primal, visceral level that escaped almost everyone else.” (17) Jackson’s volatile mix of beliefs would ensure that he would give his unquestioning loyalty to the state of Virginia, willing to do whatever it took to defend it. His reasoning followed his religious outlook: outcomes rested in the hands of God and Jackson was one of God’s instruments in making what was going to happen happen.

Jackson understood from the beginning what it would take to win—total war, taking the fight directly to the Union. Jefferson Davis, the President of the Confederacy, believed that holding land and taking a defensive posture would be the key to outlasting the Union. Jackson was outstanding at the Battle of First Manassas (First Bull Run), receiving his nickname during the fight. Also noteworthy during the battle was the first rebel yell, which Jackson initiated by telling his men to scream like Furies.

Jackson was promoted and given command of the Shenandoah Valley district. It was here that Jackson earned his warrior reputation. He marched his men farther and faster than anyone expected. He successfully coordinated attacks. His tactics were aggressive and surprising. He inspired his men to do the impossible and instilled fear in his enemies. Undermanned and outnumbered, he delayed the Union's plans to attack Richmond.

I've always been fascinated by the military genius from apparent misfits like Jackson, Ulysses S. Grant, and William T. Sherman. Gwynne spends time examining why that was, in particular for Jackson. His brilliance wasn’t just in his ability to perceive what others couldn’t, although that definitely was part of it. He understood the need to wage a pitiless war in order to succeed and he was ready to take command to insure it happened. In contrast to other leaders during the war, Jackson excelled at making command decisions, willing to be held accountable for them. Combined with his daring, this meant that his badly outnumbered and ill-supplied troops would have their way against timid Union generals. Not that the opposing troops were reticent or fearful—far from it—but those men were ill-served by their early generals. Gwynne makes an excellent point on the difficulty in distinguishing between failure and success in Civil War battles before they were finished:

Though he [Union General Burnisde] has gone down in history as an incompetent field commander for his tactics at Fredericksburg, in fact there was often a fine line in the Civil War between tenacity and foolishness. At Gaines’s Mill, Lee spent more than five hours assaulting uphill against a phenomenally strong Federal position, and lost nearly 8,000 men in the process. Yet because his final charges, by Hood in particular, won the day, the battle is remembered as a glorious victory. Because Burnside sacrificed all those men in a losing cause, he is often seen as inept and mindlessly obstinate. (501-2)

This was not a war that was going to be won by conventional thinking and Jackson was gifted at being unconventional. He caused panic for Union generals, causing them to imagine phantom forces were constantly threatening them. While they weren't completely wrong, they were often mistaken about when, where, and how Jackson's forces would be deployed. After the Battle of Winchester in May 1862, Jackson’s reputation reached mythical proportions. He was a seemingly invincible warrior that the Confederacy desperately needed to sustain their dreams and support their cause.

Jackson’s contradictions seemed to grow with his fame. He tried to destroy men’s careers because of insubordination, yet he was willing to defy orders when he thought it best. If Jackson had to answer to himself he would have been court-martialed. After working independently in the Valley Campaign, Jackson was fortunate to have Robert E. Lee appointed as commanding general of the Confederacy. Despite many differences between the two men, they worked extremely well together. Jackson and his men were transferred from the Shenandoah Valley to assist in the defense of Richmond. Although he had a rough start, not seeming to live up to his reputation (and Gwynne does an excellent job of putting the disappointment of Jackson during the Seven Days Campaign into perspective), Jackson began to exceed the elevated expectations placed on him. As Gwynne puts it, when Jackson was moving from the Shenandoah Valley to Richmond’s defense in June 1862,

How could one dusty, disheveled major general and 18,500 ragged troops possibly live up to such outlandish expectations? That is one of the most intriguing questions of the war. Because Jackson, against all odds, did. He fulfilled all of his countrymen’s most wildly optimistic and absurdly unrealistic expectations of him, and he did it before summer’s end. It is a matter of record that, mainly on the strength of Lee’s daring and Jackson’s astounding maneuvers, within two months the capital being threatened was no longer Richmond but Washington, DC, a city into which the defeated Union army beat a humiliating retreat—the greatest military disaster of the war to date. (359-60)

After his mediocre showing during the Seven Days Campaigns, Jackson reeled off a string of brilliant successes at the Battles of Second Manassas, Antietam, Fredericksburg, and Chancellorsville. Jackson accurately took the measure of the men he faced and took advantage of any timidity. Lee and Jackson's respectful relationship stood in stark contrast to the Union’s command marked by arrogance, jealousy, and hatred of each other. Gwynne examines the fame Jackson received because of his success. Although Jackson found the fame gratifying, he battled it “with a combination of flight and prayer.” (486) Gwynne also examines Jackson’s insistence on fostering religion in the Confederate army. Once again, though, this stands in stark contrast to other features of Jackson. I found this exchange after the Battle of Fredericksburg particularly chilling:

On the way back to headquarters Jackson, riding now with [surgeon Hunter] McGuire and [aide James Power] Smith, said nothing until they neared their camp, when he suddenly said, “How horrible is war.”

“Horrible, yes,” McGuire replied. “But we have been invaded. What can we do?”

“Kill them, sir,” Jackson said. “Kill every man.” (503)

All of Jackson’s accomplishments led up to the brilliant tactics at Chancellorsville drawn up with Lee (with Jackson calling an audible on major parts) that insured victory over the Union’s superior numbers and excellent defensive position. Jackson demonstrated how he had earned his reputation with his audacious and demanding tactics. Though he faced worthier Union generals now, his reputation reached almost mythical levels for several additional reasons.

Jackson by this point in his meteoric and still ascendant career cast a large shadow, far larger than the sum of his flesh-and-blood parts. There was something fateful about him, something fore-ordained, as though he had been born to occupy precisely this moment in time and space, as though his strange and mystical communion with God had granted him special power over both his own men and his enemies. His personal oddities now fueled the legend. Though James Longstreet was a good general and a resolute fighter, he was a prosaic and somewhat colorless human being. Jackson, by contrast—remote, silent, eccentric, and reserved, his hand raised in prayer in the heat of battle—suggested darkness and mystery and magic. Longstreet inspired respect; Jackson, fear and awe. (527)

Picture source

Some of Jackson’s traits would lead to his death, particularly his reticence at sharing information and his determination to press an advantage, often beyond logic. Shot by his own troops while examining their position in relation to the enemy, his left arm was amputated a week before he died (please check out the three-part story about Jackson’s arm at the Mysteries and Conundrums blog).

Gwynne spends some time explaining what I originally found a bold claim, that Jackson’s death “triggered the first national outpouring of grief for a fallen leader in the country’s history.” (556) I don’t know enough to accurately assess the claim, but Gwynne makes a compelling case.

I don’t believe you need to be extremely well versed in the U.S. Civil War history to fully appreciate and benefit from Gwynne’s book, although the more you know about it the better. For example, battles and events outside of Jackson's involvement (or indirectly affecting him) are only briefly mentioned. As I mentioned earlier, though, Gwynne makes it clear that the focus is on capturing the essence of Jackson, which means trying to understand the apparent transformation (or as he calls it in the title, the redemption) Jackson underwent. Even though I basically knew large parts of the relevant history, I still found myself enthralled, wanting to continue turning the pages to find out more about this fascinating character. Gwynne brings his subject to life and his battle descriptions are marvels of detail and action. Gwynne does a masterful job of exploring Jackson's many contradictions, objectively trying to understand both his successes and his failures. Very highly recommended.

Related posts:



If you aren’t planning on reading the book but are interested in the subject, see Gwynne’s interview with C-SPAN. In the thirty-three minute interview Gwynne covers many of the major points of the book. At the risk of repeating myself, here are a few of his talking points:
  • Jackson excelled at maneuvering—getting his troops exactly where they needed to be exactly when they was needed. [Lee excelled at this, too, which made their pairing that much more remarkable.] Jackson also had the ability to get his troops to do remarkable things.
  • You can’t understand Jackson without understanding the role of religion in his life.
  • “Command” is what transformed men during the war. Braggarts turn into cowards because they couldn’t command. Jackson and Grant became who they did because they could command. As Gwynne uses it, “command” means the ability to make a command decision and be willing to be held accountable about it. With this gift of command, Jackson didn’t have to be the most charismatic man or the most gifted speaker.
  • Gwynne reinforces a comment from his book: “Jackson’s death was the first great outpouring of national grief for a fallen leader.” This demonstration was eclipsed two years later with death of Lincoln. Gwynne acknowledges its an unconventional view, but (in the book) he outlines his argument.
  • Jackson is fascinating, but that doesn’t guarantee sustained interest. The interest in him survives because:
    - he was the ultimate underdog ,both the man and his side,
    - he had a brilliant military mind,
    - “flawed” geniuses make for engaging stories, and
    - his redemption (from the title): not just a religious meaning, but he overcame his many limitations.

Also, Gwynne has a fun piece at Biographile titled ‘Never Take Counsel of Fear’: Leadership Lessons from Stonewall Jackson.

Update (15 March 2015): Another clip of Gwynne talking about the book, also at C-Span's Book TV. "S.C. Gwynne, author of Rebel Yell: The Violence, Passion, and Redemption of Stonewall Jackson, talked about his book and responded to viewer questions and comments. He was interviewed at the 2015 Tucson Festival of Books, held on March 14-15 on the campus of the University of Arizona."

Friday, January 09, 2015

Stonewall Jackson: An iron sabre vowed to an iron Lord

General Jackson's "Chancellorsville" portrait (Picture source)


Stonewall Jackson, wrapped in his beard and his silence,
Cromwell-eyed and ready with Cromwell's short
Bleak remedy for doubters and fools and enemies,
Hard on his followers, harder on his foes,
An iron sabre vowed to an iron Lord,
And yet the only man of those men who pass
With a strange, secretive grain of harsh poetry
Hidden so deep in the stony sides of his heart
That it shines by flashes only and then is gone.
It glitters in his last words.

- from John Brown's Body (1928) by Stephen Vincent Benét



I wanted to do a separate post on a few of the appearances by Stonewall Jackson in other literary works. The first I wanted to point out, as noted above, is from Stephen Vincent Benét's book-length poem John Brown's Body. Benét goes to great lengths in his opening note to say that he is writing a poem, not a history, and fiction will be intertwined with actual facts. With events and people I was familiar with through my readings, I was surprised how well Benét captures the essential element. His line on Jackson, "An iron sabre vowed to an iron Lord," perfectly captures in a few words a sizable part of the portrait as presented in S. C. Gwynne's Rebel Yell: The Violence, Passion, and Redemption of Stonewall Jackson. Other parts of the poem fill in the gaps of the 'portrait' very well. I don't want this to turn into a review of Benét's poem, but I do want to say I recommend it. The poetry is clunky at times, the effects he tries with meter can be painful to watch at times, and the length can test you. But overall Benét humanizes the war extremely well, using multiple perspectives from individuals who truly come to life. What I like best is that Benét rarely went for simple answers—people are flawed, so their actions and their creations (including nations) will be, too. The images he creates can be heart-rending, especially in their tragic beauty. The poem can be found at Project Gutenberg of Australia (depending on your country's copyright laws).

On a side note, Jackson was a professor at Virginia Military Institute and part of the group charged with providing security at John Brown's execution. Two pages with more on Jackson's account of Brown's death:
      - from the VMI archives, and
     - at Civil War Saga (also see their post on one of Jackson's strange habits, which provides detail on the separate burial of his left arm).

In contrast, Herman Meliville's poem "Stonewall Jackson" doesn't hesitate to pass judgment:
Dead is the Man whose Cause is dead,
Vainly he died and set his seal—
Stonewall!

A tear on Jackson's bier, is allowed (it seems) but not a wreath. Echoing the vain war theme, but much more sympathetic of Jackson's self-imposed duty (or following "his star"), comes from an anonymous Virginian in a poem following Melville's on this page.

I'll close with one of the more famous poems about Jackson, written by John Greenleaf Whittier. "Barbara Frietchie" was published in 1864 and quickly became a sensation. Whittier describes the real-life Barbara Frietchie as having retrieved her American flag from the Confederate troops (on their way to Harpers Ferry in 1862). Catching the flag after rebel troops have shot it down, she yells at Jackson and causes him shame:

"Shoot, if you must, this old gray head,
But spare your country's flag," she said.

A shade of sadness, a blush of shame,
Over the face of the leader came;

The nobler nature within him stirred
To life at that woman's deed and word.

"Who touches a hair of yon gray head
Dies like a dog! March on!" he said.

All day long through Frederick street
Sounded the tread of marching feet.

All day long that free flag tost
Over the heads of the rebel host.

Ever its torn folds rose and fell
On the loyal winds that loved it well;

And through the hill-gaps sunset light
Shone over it with a warm good-night.

Despite acknowledging the incident couldn't have happened as he paints it, Whittier relies on a "fake but accurate" excuse for his work. Regardless of the veracity or conflation of events, "Barbara Frietchie" was a tremendous hit (the poem can be found here). As S. C. Gwynne puts it in his biography,

None of this ever happened. But to the Northern nation—the wartime nation—the incident was as good as documented fact. What it said to them was that Jackson was a gentleman and a Christian and a decent person in spite of his role in killing and maiming tens of thousands of their young men. But it also said that he was, fundamentally, an American. It was his Americanness that had "stirred" in him and redeemed him.

Jackson had that effect on the Union troops and public. Gwynne recounts several times that Union POWs cheered Jackson as he passed. For someone so reserved and taciturn, Jackson's popularity was a surprise as well as a burden to him. More on these aspects of Jackson's life when I actually get to a review of Gwynne's book...

Wednesday, January 07, 2015

Stonewall Jackson's Way

Come, stack arms, men! Pile on the rails,
Stir up the camp-fire bright;
No matter if the canteen fails,
We'll make a rousing night!
Here Shenandoah brawls along,
And burly Blue-Ridge echoes strong,
To swell our brigade's rousing song
Of "Stonewall Jackson's way."

We see him now, - the old slouched hat,
Cocked o'er his eye askew;
The shrewd, dry smile, - the speech so pat,
So calm, so blunt, so true.
The "Blue-Light Elder," his foe knows well.
Says he, "that's Banks, - he don't like shell;
Lord save his soul! we'll give him hell!"
In Stonewall Jackson's way.

Silence! ground arms! kneel all! caps off!
Old "Blue Lights" going to pray.
Strangle the fool that dares to scoff!
Attention! it's his way.
Appealing from his native sod,
In forma pauperis to God,
Say "tare Thine arm; stretch forth thy rod,
Amen!" "That's Stonewall Jackson's way."

He's in the saddle now, Fall in!
Steady the whole brigade;
Hill's at the ford, cut off, we'll win
His way out, ball and blade!
What matter if our shoes are worn?
What matter if our feet are torn?
Quick-step! we're with him before morn!
That's "Stonewall Jackson's way."

The sun's bright lances, rout the mists,
Of morning, and by George!
Here's Longstreet, struggling in the lists,
Hemmed in an ugly gorge.
Pope and his Yankees, fierce before,
"Bay'nets and grape!" hear Stonewall roar;
"Charge, Stuart! Pay off Ashby's score!"
In "Stonewall Jackson's way."

Ah! Maiden, wait and watch and yearn
For news of Jackson's band!
Ah! Widow, read, with eyes that burn,
That ring upon thy hand;
Ah! Wife, sew on, pray on, hope on;
Thy life shall not be all forlorn
The foe had better ne'er been born
That gets in "Stonewall's way."

Lyrics/poem from Wikipedia

One of the items I mentioned that we went over in Paul Fleischmann's book Bull Run was about the music originating in the U.S. Civil War. One poem, set to music, that I ran across in S. C. Gwynne's Rebel Yell: The Violence, Passion, and Redemption of Stonewall Jackson (Scribner, 2014, hardcover) was "Stonewall Jackson's Way" (lyrics above and more on the history of the poem at the Wikipedia link noted). From Gwynne's account about Jackson's spreading fame:

One of the most telling signs of his renown—and his inability to escape it—was the song, written on the eve of Antietam, that was sweeping through Confederate ranks and that would become one of the more popular Confederate songs of the war. Set to a spirited, upbeat tune, "Stonewall Jackson's Way" was a faithful reflection of the way he was seen in the ranks in the fall of 1862. In its third verse, the song dares anyone to "scoff" at Jackson's habits of worship. ... Jackson had a contentious relationship with his fame, which he battled with a combination of flight and prayer.

Jackson was full of contradictions, although he probably would have easily explained his apparent incongruities through his religious faith. More on Jackson and the "selective biography" by Gwynne in a separate post. For now, enjoy what went to #1 on the Southern hit parade (with a bullet, of course) just over 150 years ago. It sums up Jackson's biography in a way that a simple post can't.

(If you go to YouTube, I prefer the Bobby Horton audio version, but I'm linking the Tennessee Ernie Ford version because of my mom's love for him.)

Update (9 Jan 2015): For more on the song, see Donald R. McClarey's article.

Wednesday, December 31, 2014

Bull Run by Paul Fleischman

I'm in the process of finishing Bull Run by Paul Fleischman with my oldest son and we both really enjoyed it. The book covers the first major battle of the U.S. Civil War (and leading up to it) from sixteen different voices. Northern and Southern, male and female, black and white, young and old characters are included. I thought Fleischman did a great job of including many different topics that we were able to delve into on our own, such as

  • causes of the war,
  • 1861 timeline,
  • uses of propaganda,
  • different battle naming conventions,
  • perspective/points of view,
  • reading a battle map (included in the book),
  • historical fiction,
  • the description of a scene from Gulliver's Travels, its relevance and its irony,
  • how the Confiscation Acts could change some characters' intentions (the battle occurs before the 1861 Act),
  • the varied roles of non-participants,
  • comparison in attitudes toward war between characters who have experienced it before versus those that hadn't,
  • the change in attitude toward the war before and after Bull Run for some of the characters,
  • primary versus secondary sources, and
  • music originating in the Civil War.

There's more we'll cover, but this gives you an idea of the rich topics covered or touched on in the book. To help keep the many characters straight, we colored in a map of the U.S. for the Union and Confederate states (noting the Border States differently) and writing in each character's name in the state they were from with a one- or two-word description of them ("slave," "horse lover," "photographer," "cab driver," etc.). This probably helped me more than my son, who had no problem keeping up with the characters.

I don't see an age recommendation for the book but this was included in a curriculum that is geared for 10 to 12 year-old students, which seems about right. Obviously some of the topics are going to be sensitive and need to be addressed according to age, but this was an excellent introduction to the war in general and to the battle in detail. Having just read an account of the battle in a different source (a review forthcoming soon, I hope), I was impressed with how much Fleischman included in this slim novel.